‘Populists’ and the ‘Tools’ of Totalitarians
‘Populists’ and the ‘Tools’ of Totalitarians
The only hope of defeating neo-fascism in Europe is if those the authorities and journaliars call ‘fascists’ can find their courage and speak of what is really going on.
Back in the late summer of 2014 I spoke at the closing-down party of a business near the town of Pesaro, on Italy’s northern Adriatic coast. It was a heartbreaking occasion. The event was held in the open air, on the premises of a family business that was closing as a result of the ‘recession’. The business was a garden centre, a longtime family concern which had been driven to the wall in the wake of the economic collapse of 2008 and its continuing fallout. It was no common garden centre, for it boasted some of the most beautiful glasshouses I have ever seen, more beautiful even than those venerable specimens to be seen at the Botanical Gardens in Dublin. The man who owned and managed the business was bereft, because its closure meant that his children, all of whom worked in the business, would leave and scatter to the four winds. This man had personally asked me to come because he had heard me speak at a side-meeting of the Meeting of Rimini, the year before, about the economic crisis and what should be done about it.
That evening, my voice reverberating from the walls of the glasshouses, I repeated more or less what I had said in Rimini: that Italy was a wealthy country in all the things that really mattered: history, culture, art, landscape, music, fashion, food. This was true wealth, I said, but somehow the Italian people had allowed themselves to be persuaded that wealth related to paper tokens issued ex nihilo (literally, ‘out of nothing’) by the European Central Bank — including the constructed debts which were crucifying family businesses like this garden centre. The business closing its gates that evening was a vital cog in the infrastructure of the local community, and was as successful as anything could ever require to be. It supplied plants, seeds, compost, manure and tools to the entire hinterland. It was well run and had been in existence for many decades. It was closing, I said, because the Italian people had allowed a bunch of Germans to persuade them that they had become poor, when in reality the problem was that they had handed over control of one of the most vital means of their own survival — their currency, their mode of exchange, their moneta — to people who did not have their best interests at heart. The cause of their situation, I told them, was a false lack of money, arising from their dependence on the euro, a currency grounded not in real things or real resources, but in debt created ex nihilo — out of nothing — for the enrichment of the already super-rich. Since there would always be more debt than currency to meet it, business failures were baked into the cake.
That night some of those present proposed making me President of Italy. Though laughingly flattered, I told them that, even if I were qualified, I would not take the job in circumstances such as pertained at that time. I said that one of the most important things they needed to see was that the invariably globalist politicians who had allegedly been running their national affairs had betrayed them, and that they needed to look not to presidents or government ministers but to their own devices and energies. They needed to take their country back and rededicate its institutions to the needs of the Italian people.
This occasion came to me in the wake of the recent Italian general election in which a ‘populist’ (or ‘’far right’ depending on the colour of your shirt) coalition had come to power, to be led by Georgia Meloni, the startlingly impressive leader of the Brothers of Italy, a ‘conservative’ party that had barely been heard of when I spoke there eight years ago. My first thought was to be happy that, at last, a government was coming to power that might implement a vision along the lines I had proposed.
But, on reflection, I do not think this is likely to happen. Having continued to observe Italian politics in the intervening period, and listened to a cross-section of the discussions that followed the election, I was visited by escalating doubts that anything of significance had happened at all.
Of course, the new government is described by the purchased media as ‘far right’ and ‘fascist’. Georgia Meloni herself is described as ‘the most right-wing politician since Mussolini’, sometimes as a ‘fascist’. This, it seems, is because her party stands for managed borders, incentivisation of families, and a view of human society that maintains it is at its best when it places faith in a transcendent power at its centre. This, it appears, is the ‘fascism’ of the fevered imaginations of the ignoramuses nowadays calling themselves journalists.
And these journaliars are merely ancillary to the problem, though central to perpetuating it. Just a few days before the election, the President of the EU Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, threatened the Italian people that, if they arrived at the ‘wrong decision’ — and elected Meloni as prime minister — the EU had ‘tools’ to teach them a lesson. By this she meant that they could withhold vital communal funds of the EU from political parties implementing policies they — an unelected bunch of know-nothing bureaucrats — disapproved of, as it had attempted with Hungary and Poland. This failed gender-token politician, addressing a country that, at the insistence of the EU, has had an elected government for less than two of the past 11 years, suffers not the slightest tremor of self-doubt as she threatens the Italian people just days before they go to the polls in an attempt to elect a government to actually represent them. Who, really, is the ‘fascist’ here?
But my concern is deeper than the puerile use by creepy politicians and journaliars of slogans and spell-words, the true meaning and significance of which they are themselves too ignorant to understand. My concern is that this kind of discussion betrays something that ought to be far more worrying: that von der Leyen was not so much making a threat as issuing a ‘friendly’ reminder, as a way of asserting her control over the incoming government. Reading recent interviews with Georgia Meloni, I do not get the impression that she is about to kick over the table of the moneychangers in the temple of Italian democracy. Instead, under the economic rubric at least, she appears all too anxious to be seen as a ’safe pair of hands’, someone who will not rock the gondola, and, above all, will take no risks with the smooth running of Italy for as long as she is permitted to lead it.
The headline over a recent interview with Meloni by Reuters declared: ‘Italy's Meloni says public finances will be safe in her hands’. The aspiration is fine; what is problematic is her desire to emphasise it over a thousand other things she might be saying at this moment — about the destruction of democracy, freedom, livelihoods and, in the end, Western civilisation, of the past two and a half years; the suicidal imposition on Russia of sanctions that have rebounded on the EU community itself; the apparent determination to destroy what is left of Europe in the ostensible name of some obscure point about ‘Western values’. The article confided: ‘Meloni, whose party has expressed anti-euro views in the past, is rushing to reassure markets and partners that if she becomes prime minister she will not usher in an era of conflict with European institutions.’
This, if it is the case, suggests that the election of the Italian ‘right wing coalition’ is not, after all, the solution to Italy’s woes. Having considered it, I am not so certain as many commentators that the victory of the ‘populist’ alliance’, fronted-up by Meloni and The Brothers of Italy, will offer any real threat to globalism or the current multi-faceted tyranny that stands poised to pauperise Europe for decades or more.
There are three key figures in the incoming Italian administration: Meloni; Matteo Salvini, leader of Lega (the League) who was previously deputy prime minister in the last short-lived elected coalition, formed after the last election in 2018 (and dissolved 18 months later), between his party and the leftist Five Star party; and Silvio Burlesconi, the last previous elected prime minister of Italy, who was deposed in 2011 by, in effect, an EU coup, and eventually replaced with the first of a long line of EU puppet-bureaucrats.
It ought to be an occasion for delight that, at last, these three elected representatives of their people are to take office and the reins of their once great country. But, if we examine the recent record of some of these figures, a doubt enters. In September 2019, Matteo Salvini withdrew his party from the coalition with Five Star thinking to provoke an election after which he hoped to return as prime minister. This plan was scuppered when Five Star negotiated another coalition with the even more left-wing Democratic Party.
In April 2020, Salvini mounted the briefest stand against the lockdown, when he led a group of 75 Lega MPs in occupying the Italian parliament in protest at the ongoing lockdown and the government’s emergency powers of rule by decree. Since then, he has been invisible, and largely silent, on the subject. When the Five Star/Democratic Party alliance fell apart in early 2021, and was replaced by yet another EU-appointed administration under the globalist banker, former ECB chief Mario Draghi, Salvini agreed to serve in the new ‘government of national unity’, thus unravelling his party's credibility and ensuring that his party would be eclipsed by the Brothers of Italy — hitherto the poor relation on the ‘conservative’ side, having attracted just four per cent of the vote in the 2018 election. On the formation of the Draghi government, Meloni’s party became the official opposition, but carried out the role pretty much in line with Matteo Salvini’s leaked sotto voce nudge at a party meeting, when he declared that the Brothers of Italy party ‘should remain the opposition without breaking our balls.’
This is more or less what transpired. The Italian opposition under the leadership of Georgia Meloni was as much a captive of the circumstances in the dismal period of the appalling Draghi government as was Lega.
Georgia Meloni is an impressive woman and politician. Her speeches are articulate and passionate. She believes strongly in certain things: family values and sensible border policies, for example, which ought to be uncontroversial in a country on the verge of demographic collapse. But there is something worrying about both her and Salvini that ought to cause us pause before we unreservedly celebrate what is now happening. The chances of the new coalition succeeding depend on its leaders’ willingness to stand up to the Eurobullies and, if pushed, to reject the globalist model of economics that has been strangling every country in Europe for many years. There are, in addition and even more pressingly, the fundamental issues of liberty, sovereignty and economic justice, which the Covid coup of March 2020 have elevated to the most urgent and crucial of all. So far, Meloni’s accession to power in Italy is a victory for public sentiment — the hopes of a population long battered by sub-democratic conditions and a profound desire for government that will implement policies in accordance with its will and its needs. There is no point in having ‘conservative’ forces in government unless they act to protect the lives and property of the human beings who look to them for leadership and vision. Politics is not a sport, whereby victory in the contest amounts to the final and only goal.
There are serious questions about Georgia Meloni based on her record in the past two and a half years of rights-deletions, political barbarism, terror campaigns, witch-hunting, cruelty and plunder. On the face of things — interpreting the underlying macro-event of that period as a ‘pandemic’ — one might be inclined to say that she performed creditably; but that would be to misread the situation horribly. When, in time, the world looks back from a distance at the events of this period (if there remains a sentient world in the wake of these atrocities) it will not see a ‘pandemic’ but a merciless coup against the human race. By this measure, there is hardly a politician on the planet who has acquitted him- or herself adequately, and Georgia Meloni is not, in my submission, an exception.
There are two tellings on this question, so in fairness we need to consider both. In an article posted recently by Dr Robert Malone on his Substack page, an Italian observer, Dr Renato Cristin, Professor of Philosophy at the University of Trieste, mounted an argument that Meloni had been ‘consistent’ during the ‘pandemic’. It was an odd line of defence, since one can be consistently good, bad or indifferent, and being ‘consistent’ during a genuine pandemic would be a rather different matter to being consistent during a coup against the human race masquerading as a pandemic.
By Dr Cristin’s telling, Meloni’s record is a good one:
‘She has always expressed doubts about the appropriateness and efficacy of vaccination (denouncing the dictatorship of vaccinists: “whoever has doubts is treated as a terrorist”), caution towards an unverified fluid (“this is a vaccine in trial, which ends in 2023”), respect for the theories of Professor and Nobel Laureate virologist Dr. Luc Montagnier, total opposition to the vaccination of children, as well as an argued criticism of personal restrictions and forced closures of production activities. Unlike other self-styled liberal politicians, she and her party have always voted against bills that, in various forms, pushed for anti-covid vaccination, finally opposing the infamous decree of January 7, 2022, that required it by law.’
[You can read the full article, which, for various reasons, is well worth the 15 minutes or so of your time it will consume, here:
Consistent with this pattern, he continues, Meloni now proposes to initiate a widespread investigation, as Prime Minister of Italy, by a parliamentary commission of inquiry, into ‘what she calls “the disastrous management of the pandemic”’.
This commission will inquire, he relays, into the following questions:
* Were many of the deaths that plagued these two and a half years of pandemic avoidable?
* Why did the political and health authorities substantially inhibit the use of therapeutic drugs, and treatment protocols, that showed signs of being beneficial against the ‘disease’?
* Why was the vaccine injected in the absence of genuine informed consent?
* Why has the state never assumed legal responsibility for the mass inoculation that it was imposing on citizens?
* Why have the data on the efficacy or otherwise of vaccines not yet been made public? Have such data even been collected/assembled?
* Why have vaccinating doctors systematically denied the exemption from vaccination to people with health problems who asked to be excused?
* Why did the political/health institutions attempt to demonise those who, for clinical or other reasons, did not want to take these pseudo-vaccines?
* Why did the Italian political/health institutions treat Italy as a unique case among Western countries, imposing indiscriminate vaccination by law?
* What is the extent of the economic and financial burden unnecessarily imposed on business owners?
* How much will it cost the health system to treat the negative side effects caused by vaccines?
There are a number of issues arising from this list. Firstly, it is old hat: These are, at this stage, largely issues of secondary or tertiary significance in unpacking the crimes, cruelties and obscenities of the Time of Covid (thus far). All of them, though somewhat evasively understated in this list, are in their way important, but at the same time they are less immediately pressing than a thorough investigation of the murderous nature of the vaccines and their rollout, the studied corruption of media, the elimination of public questioning or dissent, the abandonment of all vestiges of human rights protections and the facilitation of the wholesale destruction of small and medium-sized businesses throughout Italy. These, and other issues, require urgently to be addressed in every European country, and throughout the former Free World. What Meloni appears to be planning is a controlled exposition of a sample of ancillary issues concerning the alleged mishandling of a ‘pandemic’.
There is a different telling of all this, which I am hearing more and more from within Italy: that, faced with the overwhelming forces of Covid tyranny, Meloni did not acquit herself any better than any other of the opposition leaders across the continent.
There is concrete evidence in support of these claims. In early 2021, some months before the introduction of the tyrannical green pass — in effect, legalised medical apartheid — Meloni said:
‘I am thinking, for example, of the theme of the digital green pass certificate. We were the first to support it. We hope it will be adopted as soon as possible, in a horizon of total reciprocity with all the European states., It is a priority and it is essential to restore freedom of movement, and above all to restore tourism.’ Thus, we learn that the leader of the Brothers of Italy believes that it is legitimate for governments to withdraw fundamental freedoms in order partially to restore them as concessions in return for the capitulation of citizens to tyrannical measures such as mandatory injections of untested substances. She also places tourism ahead of basic human freedoms. Can she really be the saviour of Italian democracy? In what sense might this statement of Meloni’s be characterised as doing other than participating in what Dr Cristin rightly calls ‘the great lie’ that required human beings in a supposedly free society to submit to the ‘blackmail’ of mandatory bureaucratic protocols ‘that have proved to be ideological and fallacious, deceptive and harmful’?
I am not disparaging or disputing Dr Cristin’s formulations of the general situation that arose in the Time of Covid. In many respects, he states the situation in a manner largely emphatic and correct — as in, for example, this characterisation of things:
‘In fact, as a whole, the management issue of the pandemic is not only health and political, but it also represents a crack in the system of basic freedoms that we believed to be acquired, a distressing episode that broke the trust of citizens in the State and that forced very calm, respectful and respectable people, to react vigorously to a coercive violence perceived (rightly) as unfair and today ascertained as vexatious and useless.’
Yes. As he intimates, Europe has been dragged through a crash course in Marxist tyranny, which has left our civilisation in tatters. Any inquiry purporting to investigate these events must delve into the darkest aspects of how this was achieved, and have as a priority to ensure that they can never happen again.
‘Those politicians.’ he adds, ‘who froth at the mouth, have sadistically and opportunistically forced the population into the hateful blackmail of having to undergo a vaccine that has proved useless and harmful in equal proportion, have torn up the personal freedom with which they had hitherto filled that one same mouth.’
Unfortunately, Dr Cristin’s argument, though overall powerful and passionate, falls down in its particular application to the defence of Georgia Meloni. He cites a speech by Meloni from January 2021, in which she criticised as ‘state extortion’ the vaccines mandates that imposed mandatory vaccination as an alternative to losing your job. Yet, she herself has asserted her support for the same mandates.
‘Where have the libertarians of this Nation gone? Where have the champions of the Constitution gone? Is it possible that they are all silent, bent with fear? Because here the issue is no longer the vaccine: the issue is what kind of society we are going towards. I do not intend to live under a para-Chinese model and I want to fight because we do not intend to mediate with anyone on rights and principles’.
These are the questions many of us have been asking for two and a half years, and to be frank we have felt nothing but chill winds emanating from the ‘populist’ quarters of the European political precincts. I do not claim to understand how or why Meloni’s statements on these matters came to be so divergent, but I do not detect in them a voice that is coherent and decisive where the fundamental questions of human freedom are concerned.
The truth is that we live in societies in which all political freedom is now circumscribed by the economic realities we have signed up to. All our governments are puppet governments. All our parties are patsy parties. It doesn’t matter whether the bought-and-paid-for media describe a particular politician as a ‘progressive’ or a ‘far right fascist’ they are all‚ including the supposed journalists— bound by the same limits and constraints. All must live within the financial terms imposed from above, and all can survive — in employment, in office, though never in power — for only as long as they continue to abide by these conditions. All our supposedly democratic institutions are captured and owned by shadowy ‘higher’ powers working through the unelected supra-national institutions we have allowed to commandeer our sovereignty and interpose themselves as our ‘rulers’, beyond accountability or questioning. The ‘populist’ sector is no more immune from these conditions than any other political category, which means that its electoral gains must be regarded with scepticism and reserve until such time as we hear its leading figure begin to denounce the von der Leyens, the Schwabs and the Gateses as loudly as they denounce their opposite numbers of the alleged left of the spectrum.
Those seeking to argue for Meloni’s situation may well observe that, at the time she spoke in defence of green passes (in effect, the paraphernalia of apartheid), she was hidebound by the conditions created by the mass propagandising of Italy, in common with other Western countries. By this logic, the public’s fear of the ‘virus’ and the ‘deadly disease’ had placed limits on her capacity for frankness in situations where many people craved the security of knowing that their neighbours were vaccinated too. This argument does not cut mustard, for it proposes that it is forgivable that politicians who are aware that evil is being done, to tailor their interventions so as not to tell the public things it might not want to hear. This, indeed, is a precise and graphic example of the syndrome Dr Mattias Desmet has spoken of — and being criticised for doing so — whereby, in a mass formation, the leaders may become as much prisoners of the mass as the mass are, in the first place, prisoners of the leaders’ propaganda. It is incumbent on politicians claiming to be different to break this cycle, not to protract it.
In truth, even a scan of her CV reveals that Meloni is a trans-Atlanticist, who believes Italy’s role is, first and foremost, at the heart of the West; in other words, she is as much a globalist as Ursula von der Leyen. As Dr Cristin approvingly attests, she has been four-square behind the NATO/Collective West prosecution of the war in Ukraine, a conflict that has delivered to the supra-national bureaucratic tyrants the capacity to dismantle European civilisation at the behest of the unseen unseens. Meloni has been, since February 2021, a member of the Aspen Institute, a globalist organisation with its headquarters in Washington D.C., which is part-funded by the Rockefellers and the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation. What is an allegedly conservative Italian politician doing as a member of such a body?
Meloni is also ambivalent about the dangers of the European Union. ’We want a different Italian attitude on the international stage, for example in dealing with the European Commission,’ she told Reuters. ‘This does not mean that we want to destroy Europe, that we want to leave Europe’. In truth, before very long, every European country may be choosing to ‘leave Europe’, when the enormity of the cost of remaining becomes clear. Georgia Meloni may not turn out to be the firebrand both her detractors and her followers have come to believe.
For the past two and a half years, the tendencies I spoke about among those Italian glasshouses more than a decade earlier, have been ramped up and accelerated. In the Covid period, many family businesses have gone the same way as that garden centre, and this has happened in a manner that is no longer ambiguous, no longer in doubt. It has happened as a self-evidently systematic attempt to destroy the small and medium-sized business sector of Europe so as to make the continent safe for predatory corporations in league with, and subsidising of, political agencies — the precise technical definition of ‘fascism’.
But the problem now has not merely to do with EU bureaucrats. It has to do with the fact that the politicians now elected by the Italian people have themselves displayed no evidence of understanding what is happening, and why. They are ‘conservative’ politicians, yes — whatever that means nowadays. They have the correct and sensible positions against LGBT tyranny, paedophilia-promotion, abortion and euthanasia, the new instruments of mass depopulation. They reject the neo-colonisation of Europe by dint of the flooding of the continent with indifferent aliens. So far, so good. But, if you look at their record over the past two and a half years, a doubt begins to enter in. Matteo Salvini sat for a year and a half at a cabinet table under the control of one of the most dangerous globalists in the world, a man who has never received as much as a spoilt vote in a democratic election. In that period, the Italian government subjected its people to unprecedented deletion of rights and freedoms, introducing a form of apartheid which allocated freedom of movement and societal participation on the basis of a ‘green pass’ issued only to those who had received an experimental — and proven to be dangerous — injection. Salvini did not leave the government on this account, as he had left the previous one for infinitely lesser and far from principled reasons.
Meanwhile, Georgia Meloni, who was vocal about mass migration, gender ideology and predatory homosexualism, has had little or nothing to say about these new forms of fascism. Her period as leader of the Italian opposition was distinguished only by its lack of distinction. Neither she nor her party stood decisively against lockdowns — in fact, like almost all the political parties throughout the Western democracies, she implicitly supported the mass brainwashing of her people, and the measures introduced under its cover, including lockdowns, QR code systems, mandatory injections and apartheid discriminations against those who declined to be coerced. After a brief flurry of objections in the early weeks of the Covid coup, both Meloni and Salvini quietened down and fell in with the consensus. Since February 2022, Meloni has been utterly silent about the abominable assault by NATO on the peoples of the Donbass and the involvement by the EU in a proxy war pursued — again — behind a ceaseless wash of propaganda and lies, in part with a view to covering up the crimes of the past two and a half years and further driving the peoples of Europe into poverty, hunger and extreme danger. Ursula von der Leyen may choose to engage in cheap theatrical menaces based on a media caricature of the Brothers of Italy and Lega, but in reality both parties, on recent evidence, are already on message and unlikely to cause any trouble in the things that matter. Both Georgia Meloni and Matteo Salvini have themselves been vaccinated.
In reality, what we observe in contemporary Italy is not a democracy but a hollowed-out nation-state in which the political life has become — like all Western ‘democracies’ — a kind of pantomime, a Punch and Judy show in which, by the corrupted commentary of the journaliars, the ‘progressives’ confront the ‘far right’ in noisy and heated battles, but none of it matters because the power has been exported long since to Brussels, 1,500 kilometres away.
Aside from occasional directionless sabre-rattling, both Lega and The Brothers largely stick to ‘traditional’ populist issues. Their rhetoric against the progressive elites is undoubtedly stirring: ‘They attack national identity,’ says Georgia Meloni, ‘they attack religious identity. They attack gender identity, they attack family identity. I can't define myself as Italian, Christian, woman, mother. No. I must be citizen x, gender x, parent 1, parent 2. I must be a number. Because when I am only a number, when I no longer have an identity or roots, then I will be the perfect slave at the mercy of financial speculators.’
Yes, and . . .? Her speech up to that point was a perfect introduction for an onslaught on the Covid crimes of the past 30 months, but the onslaught never came. The content of this speech would have made for an excellent prospectus for a conservative populist party in government had the dateline been 2018, or even 2019. But, since then, all has changed utterly, and the issue now is not gender ideology but the fundamental rights of man to be free in the world.
Yes, of course, family values matter — never more so than at this moment of Europe’s tottering demographics. And yes: borders matter, for the same reason. And, of course: It is good to hear a politician, after many years of affected ‘tolerant’ nonsense, speak of the central importance of the transcendent idea to the civic space. But it is also important to look at what has been happening of late in Europe and the West more generally, and ask why the politicians issuing such pronouncements have for the most part systematically ignored — or, worse, supported — the most shocking developments in the recent history of the Western democracies. These developments represent the culmination of the events I described at that garden centre in Pesaro eight years ago: the starving and freezing-out of the European peoples so that they will submit to the surveillance state, the Great Reset and the New World Order, all designed to enslave their children and reduce humanity of the future to a life of quotidian terror and control. Who among the alleged ‘conservative’ voices of European populism has stood against the encroaching tyranny, so clearly summarised by Naomi Wolf in her new book, The Bodies of Others, as a project to destroy Western culture and replace it with a techno-fascistic culture — ’a culture in which we will have forgotten what free human beings can do’?
So, will the new Italian coalition stand up to the WEF, the WHO, NATO and the EU? I doubt it — not where it is still likely to matter, even at this late stage. For the only thing that matters in politics right now is to state in the clearest terms that the background noise we are hearing is the death rattle of democracy, to be followed soon after by the interment of human freedom in the mausoleum of Western civilisation. No politician who has been silent on these matters — whether styling him/herself ‘liberal’ or ’conservative’ — is truly deserving of welcome or celebration by the rest of humanity by virtue of simply ascending to the citadels of power.
One interesting school of thought has it that the current wave of populist success is being permitted by the overlords so as to provide suitable scapegoats for the coming economic collapse. Allowing for the imposed myopia and short memories of the public, this may not be as unlikely in the longer run as it may seem in the immediate conditions. People forget; people focus on the personnel standing before them in particular moments, exhibiting rapid-onset amnesia with regard to the deeper causes and culpability. In this light, it is far from implausible that the populists are being set up as patsies to take the flak for the coming disaster.
The more positive spin is that they are simply biding their time, slipping into positions of potential power, and preparing for the moment when the supra-national system is most vulnerable, to launch their truth bombs and seize back their nations from the evil grasps of the overlords.
One way or another, the incoming Italian governmental alliance is likely to be just as fragile as every other alliance that has governed that unfortunate country since the middle of the last century. This may seem like a potential tragedy, but in reality it merely means that things will continue as they always have, and this, too, is already baked into the cake. Until such time as an Italian government can reclaim control of Italy's economic affairs by restoring the lira and telling the wicked EU to take a running jump at itself, there is no future in espousing ‘conservative’ policies, for this will merely serve to activate the EU Commission’s ‘tools’ and result in the capitulation of the would-be saviours — or, in the alternative, render the country ungovernable. Unless Lega and the Brothers of Italy develop a coherent plan for the restoration of Italian independence, they are on a slow boat to nowhere. All the ‘populist’ movements of Europe are confronted by the same situation, which is why all of them have been silent, or all but silent, on and throughout the greatest crime in history, the only thing worth talking about for the past two and a half years: the imprisoning of Europe’s people for the purposes of plundering their remaining resources, after which they will be returned to serfdom. Populists surely do not need reminding that, without a plan to reclaim sovereignty, no country has any chance of restoring its freedoms.
As things stand, then, the chances are that the Meloni-led government will fall for some trivial reason — perhaps a backlash by the EU against some minor gesture of defiance, and not because the populists have finally stood up for actual democracy or true human freedom. When that happens, it too will be replaced by a bunch of EU-appointed puppets, who will grind Italy further into the gravel.
I know: It is tempting, at this moment, to celebrate, not least in view of the dismay of those who have been gleefully tearing down the walls of our civilisation, erecting monuments to filth and nonsense in its place, and those who own and control these asinine actors. It would be nice to imagine, as many do, that the recent populist wins in Italy (and also Sweden) offer signs of something shifting in the undergrowth of the political culture of Europe. But while the money system remains as it stands, all this must come to nothing. While this remains the case, these populist wins amount to little beyond managed releases of steam from the system — to create the illusion of democracy even as its body is prepared for embalming. A scan of the everyday behaviour — as opposed to ideological pronouncements — of the populists climbing over the city gates tends to support such scepticism, suggesting that the EU has managed the constituent left and right elements of the continent’s politics — even the alleged ‘extremes’ — into a singular conformity masquerading as a binary system. A pantomime for the end of the world as we have known it.
The ultimate truth of it is that the populist movements of Europe have universally failed the first real test of their effectiveness: the function of speaking truth to power, out of power. As a result, the mounting of opposition to what was really taking place — a coup against the people — was left to rank amateurs who found themselves cast as Davids against the evil and resource-rich Goliaths of the globalised armies of media, politics, medicine and science. It would be nice to cling to the tempting notion that various imposed encumbrances of the populists-in-waiting — including the fear of losing the ‘middle ground’ — have thus far hobbled them to the extent of curbing the scope of their actions and stilling their tongues. But there is no evidence anywhere of parties that kept their powders dry in opposition becoming suddenly radicalised in government; indeed, the opposite tends to occur. The Brothers of Italy will soon discover that there is no middle ground — that by failing to fulfil the mission of defending freedom while in opposition, they have set the traps that will constrain them in power. And that applies solely to the possibility that they might wish to do radical things. If they do not, then the pantomime will continue. They will be the ‘far right’ whose job it is to cast the shadow that blacks out the legacy of tyrannical evil that characterised the past three calendar years of European life. Only when the panto season is abruptly terminated can we hope for the curtain to go up on a new drama of European freedom.
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